WARNING: This site deals only with the corporate corruption of science, and makes no inference about the motives or activities of individuals involved.
    There are many reasons why individuals become embroiled in corporate corruption activities - from political zealotry to over-enthusiastic activism; from gullibility to greed.
    Please read the OVERVIEW carefully, and make up your own mind.

OPINION ONLY

Richard Hines was a right-wing zealot and journalist who mixed with CIA operatives like Oliver North. He was always on the fringe of State Department/CIA activities, even if he was never actually an agent.

He made his living as a contract journalist to the tobacco industry and as an organiser of the American National Journalism Center (a training and placement agency for disinformation specialists). He also tried to set up a similar operation in Europe, using his many connections via the Atlas Network to corporate-funded think tanks which the American think-tank enthusiasts were funding in Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the Soviet Union.

Hines was also a keen member of the Confederacy — those Northern and black haters, who inhabit the Deep South and keep racialism alive. He leads a chapter of the Sons of Confedeerate Veterans. — while lobbying for Cambodia and Nigeria.

But Hines came to nationwide notice a few years ago when he led a protest to block a memorial to black celebrity tennis player Arthur Ashe Jr from being established in what he believed was territory only fit for southern war heros. His protest, equipped with Confederacy flags, made the front pages of many US newspapers.

"Mr. Hines marched down a street in Richmond, Va., rebel battle flag in hand, to protest the unveiling of a statute there to the late black tennis star Arthur Ashe Jr.

Mr. Hines said that his grievance was not racial, but that the street was hallowed ground for Confederate monuments. "The intent of the placement of the statue was to debunk our heritage," The Associated Press quoted him as saying.

Some key documents

•

• Article The CIA, Cocaine and the Confederate Memorial Hall about Hines and the battles for control of a chapter of the Sons of Confederate Veterans.
    {Source unknown] See Article

• Former Southern Partisan editor and co-owner Richard Quinn was a partner of Richard T. Hines,

• Associate in RTH Consulting (lobbyists) is Carter Wrenn Based in Alexandria VA

• Richard T. Hines is a native of Spartanburg, SC where he served in the SC House of Representatives before moving to northern Virginia. He is currently a consultant living near Richmond and serves as commander of the Jefferson Davis Camp #305 Sons of Confederate Veterans,Virginia Division.

    Mr. Hines served as an elected official in the South Carolina House of Representatives, winning his first election while still a university student.

• In the U.S. General Services Administration, Mr. Hines was the principal interface for the agency in charge of business and industry relations, as well as a catalyst for reform for acquisition policies within the government.

• Richard Hines served as an elected official in the South Carolina House of Representatives. He held various executive positions in the Reagan Administration in executive branch agencies such as the U.S. Department of Transportation and Interstate Commerce Commission. In the U.S. General Services Administration, he was the principal interface for the agency in charge of business and industry relations, as well as a catalyst for reform for acquisition policies within the government.

• NOTE NEEDS CHECKING Hines, Regina Mississippi News bureau chief TI documents ALSO Hines R Policy Group Project - 28 documents, Hines,

1972 Oct 16: Mr Roemer is sending Henry H Ramm of the CTR a letter from Richard Hines of Lookout Mountain, Tennessee concerning Dr Schneiderman's letter of October 6 (forwarded to him Oct 9)

1973 /E: As a history student at the University of South Carolina campus in the early 1970s, Hines met his future wife, Patricia Mayes, the daughter of local oligarch "Bubba Jim" Mayes, who presided over an 8,000-acre cotton plantation in Mayesville and kept politicians from both parties in his debt through campaign contributions made by the National Cotton Council, which he controlled. While still in college, Hines became South Carolina's youngest-ever Republican elected official, winning a seat in the state's House of Representatives.

    In North Carolina, just up the road from Hines's district, his friend and future business partner Carter Wrenn helped manage the 1972 US Senate campaign of Jesse Helms, a race-baiting conservative who represented the new face of the Republican Party in the Deep South, which was assimilating latter-day Dixiecrats. Helms vanquished a Greek-American Democrat with the campaign slogan "Elect One of Us."

    When Ronald Reagan was elected President on a states' rights platform eight years later, Southern conservative John Shelton Reed, writing in 1981 in the newly minted neo-Confederate publication Southern Partisan under the pseudonym J.R. Vanover, declared, "If my analysis is correct, the stage may now be set for really hard-core sectional politics, for the first time in over a century."

    Hines, following the political tide, moved to Washington. Throughout the 1980s he and his wife worked in the Reagan Administration, with Hines quietly toiling away at various midlevel White House administrative posts in the Transportation Department and General Services Administration. (His wife worked as the Army's deputy assistant for manpower.)

    Afterward, he became a vice president at Electronic Data Systems, Ross Perot's company, using his contacts to get government contracts. But Hines also served as a bridge between the Republican Party and certain fringes of the conservative movement. http://www.thenation.com/article/lobbyist-lost-cause

1973 /E: As a history student at the University of South Carolina campus in the early 1970s, RICHARD T Hines met his future wife, Patricia Mayes, the daughter of local oligarch "Bubba Jim" Mayes, who presided over an 8,000-acre cotton plantation in Mayesville and kept politicians from both parties in his debt through campaign contributions made by the National Cotton Council, which he controlled. While still in college, Hines became South Carolina's youngest-ever Republican elected official, winning a seat in the state's House of Representatives.

    In North Carolina, just up the road from Hines's district, his friend and future business partner Carter Wrenn helped manage the 1972 US Senate campaign of Jesse Helms, a race-baiting conservative who represented the new face of the Republican Party in the Deep South, which was assimilating latter-day Dixiecrats. Helms vanquished a Greek-American Democrat with the campaign slogan "Elect One of Us."

    When Ronald Reagan was elected President on a states' rights platform eight years later, Southern conservative John Shelton Reed, writing in 1981 in the newly minted neo-Confederate publication Southern Partisan under the pseudonym J.R. Vanover, declared, "If my analysis is correct, the stage may now be set for really hard-core sectional politics, for the first time in over a century."

    Hines, following the political tide, moved to Washington. Throughout the 1980s he and his wife worked in the Reagan Administration, with Hines quietly toiling away at various midlevel White House administrative posts in the Transportation Department and General Services Administration. (His wife worked as the Army's deputy assistant for manpower.)

    Afterward, he became a vice president at Electronic Data Systems, Ross Perot's company, using his contacts to get government contracts. But Hines also served as a bridge between the Republican Party and certain fringes of the conservative movement. http://www.thenation.com/article/lobbyist-lost-cause

1980–99: /E Hines was an editor for Southern Partisan magazine. Hines's protest reflected the brand of resentment found on the pages of America's major neo-secessionist publication, Southern Partisan, of which Hines was managing editor for nearly two decades. Southern Partisan served partly as a forum for historical revisionism that cast Lincoln as a villain;

1980 /E: Hines's protest reflected the brand of resentment found on the pages of America's major neo-secessionist publication, Southern Partisan, of which Hines was managing editor for nearly two decades. Southern Partisan served partly as a forum for historical revisionism that cast Lincoln as a villain;

1984: in 1984 Hines himself penned a paean to Preston Brooks, the secessionist South Carolina congressman who caned Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts on the Senate floor in 1854 for his speeches against slavery. The magazine also acted as Hines's instrument for connecting sympathetic political movers and shakers to the neo-Confederate base.

1990 Oct 26: New York Times "In Union Capital, War Among the Confederates"

The Confederate Memorial Hall was established [in Washington but] as the aging rebel veterans who lived there died off, it became the museum and meeting place it remains today.

    What started as a nasty personal disagreement among onetime allies has mutated into a jumble of lawsuits, including a Federal case, filed earlier this month, charging one faction with a "pattern of racketeering." Accusations of dirty tricks, political manipulations and flagrant abuses of Robert's Rules of Order have been lobbed back and forth like shells at Antietam. Each side says the other has used innocent heirs of the Confederacy — what one person called "nice blue-haired old ladies and gentlemen of great reputation" — for its own sinister purposes.[snip]

    On one side are John Edward Hurley, the great-grandson of a cavalry officer who fought at Petersburg. Mr. Hurley and some of his loyalists on the committee control the administration of the hall. On the other side are representatives of three Southern heritage groups in the Washington area: the Jefferson Davis Camp No. 305 of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, the Robert E. Lee Chapter No. 644 of the United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Southern Relief Society of the District of Columbia.

    Among this faction, one man, Richard T. Hines, a one-time official in the General Services Administration and former commander of the Sons of Confederate Veterans chapter, or "camp," in Washington, has earned the special enmity of Mr. Hurley.

    The parties have filed five claims and counterclaims against one another in the past four years, in state and Federal courts in Washington and Virginia. The latest and shrillest accusations came in August, when Mr. Hurley filed a $5 million lawsuit under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, or RICO, in the United States District Court in Washington against the three groups and 15 of their members.

    That civil suit accuses Mr. Hines and his Confederate confederates with money laundering, mail fraud, perjury, defamation and a host of dirty tricks far removed from the chivalric Confederate code: sending threatening notes and placing lewd calls to Mr. Hurley; placing his name with a service used to solicit homosexual sex; making bumper stickers declaring "Have a Nice Day, Shoot a Damn Yankee" available in Confederate Memorial Hall; and diverting funds that were collected to save the "Johnny Reb" mascot at Fairfax High School to pay for harassing litigation instead.

    Mr. Hurley maintains that his enemies are Ronald Reagan supporters who tried to turn the place into a haven for right-wing activities like a "Freedom Fighters Night" to honor the Nicaraguan contras. "I am certainly not a liberal, but this is a heritage museum and library, and has nothing to do with politics," Mr. Hurley said.

    Mr. Hurley and Mr. Hines became involved in Confederate memorial activities in the early 1980's, a time when membership was declining, the hall had lost its tax exemption and had fallen into disrepair. Mr. Hurley said that rooms there were rented out to vagrants, were overrun with cats and that pornographic pictures lined the walls. "It was like the Black Hole of Calcutta," he said.

    Mr. Hurley helped clean up the place, in part with his own money. But various sons and daughters of the Confederacy complained he excluded them from decision-making and, at times, from the building itself. They also said he had vulgarized the annual commemoration of Lee's birthday and commercialized the building.

    "I do believe Mr. Hurley's interest is in what the building can do for him rather than what he can do for the Confederacy," Mrs. Charlesworth said.

    Beginning in 1985, Mr. Hurley and Mr. Hines tangled repeatedly over the management of the hall and the committee. The minutes for a Sons of the Confederacy meeting in October 1986 detail the "despicable" manner in which Hurley supporters shouted down and "physically attacked" Mr. Hines, behavior the recording secretary called "contrary to the principles of free speech, parliamentary procedure and the conduct of Southerners." The fracas, the secretary reported, "resulted in Mr. Hines having his shirt torn from his body and nearly led to bloodshed." Mr. Hurley's lawyer, David J. Bartone of Washington, said that Mr. Hines had been out to seize control. "He always talks about 'honor' and 'Christianity' and 'our Southern culture,' but he's tried to take over every organization with which he's ever been involved." Suit Against Two Fails In May 1987, Mr. Hines and his supporters tried to throw Mr. Hurley and Mrs. Rogers off the committee. Insisting they were victims of an illegal "coup," the two sued Mr. Hines and six others in the Circuit Court of Alexandria, Va. The defendants then filed a $250,000 suit against Mr. Hurley and Mrs. Rogers.

1991 Jan 1: Hines, Richard T (Consulting Inc)
    Went into business with Richard Quinn of Richard Quinn Assoc to write news releases, feature articles etc for Corporate Scientific Affairs of PCCM

1991 Jan 1: Philip Morris Management Corp. agreement with Richard T Hines Consulting who worked with Richard Quinn & Associates of Columbia - writing feature articles, announcements, and other assignments for Scientific Affairs (Borelli) in 1991 Payment limit in year is $80,000.

1991 Oct 11: Corporate Scientific Affairs budget for Hines during the following year had $2 million in Salaries, $8m in Special Projects, $3.5m in Legal, $646 Consultants, $3 m in Dues = Total $18,5 million

    It also included consultants:

1. Ragnar Rylander — $90,000
2. TC Tso (liason with Asian markets) —$56,000
3. Richard Hines and Richard Quinn — $100,000
4. Burson Marsteller — ¢500,000
5. Barrera & Associates — ¢200,000

1992 Jan: A new agreement is signed with Hines only
    [2065028449/8456]

1992 Jan 23: Tom Borelli is flying to Washington to meet with Richard T Hines to discuss ETS. His trip was cancelled due to weather. But he met with Burson-Marsteller, Hines and Joseph Wu [Tame scientist from NY Medical College] on the 28th.

Borelli's Science & Technology division of PM (via Borelli) also:

• Gives $25,000 to the National Journalism Center,
• Gives $25,000 to J Wu's New York Medical College
• Employs Hines & Quinn as consultants for $100,000
• Employs "Carlo" as a consultant for $25,000

See page 161

1992 Dec: /E Philip Morris report "New Projects" has a list of projects for 1993.

• Parents for Priorities which is intended to challenge the New York priorities on anti-smoking activities
• National Journalism Centre and Consumer Research Magazine. This project could be supported by ads for PM's food and beer products.
  • The NJC is planning a "health care policy symposium/forum on Capitol Hill.
  • They will also issue a special issue of Consumer Research promoting their pro-smoking line
• National Empowment Television (NET) could produce and distribute nationally a series on health care attacking the Clinton Administration (funded by beer and food subsidiaries). For Philip Morris it could also:
  • cover a town-hall meeting sponsored by Citizens for a Sound Economy.
  • produce their own version of 60 Minutes attacking FDA and EPA
  • sponsor public opinion surveys in key congressional districts [to scare legislators]
• Conservative Networks [of journalists] Feeding them info.
• Richard Hines should now be responsible for generating news articles, editorials and commentaries on more than just the EPA/ETS issue. He has supported the establishment of EPA Watch and his bills were about $200,000 for 1992. Jim Tozzi, Thorne Auchter and Barrera Associates should also be extended into new areas.

1993: Confederate revival nut case (and probably CIA). Hines is a fierce supporter of Ollie North
    - looked after PM's media contacts. in 1993
    EPA Watch recruiter
    RH, consultant Dec 1993 - [2021270515]
    733 15th Street NW, 7th floor, Washington
    Check on this. Did his law firm, Chaote Hall (Boston) ever work for the tobacco industry [2064200330]
    — Borelli and Collamore directed him, Parrish paid the bills
    ——> Hines - No invoices for 1992, 4, or 5, and only mention of one on 3rd or 8th March 1993

1993: Hines arranged a 1993 Partisan interview with Washington Times senior editor Wes Pruden, whose father, Wes Pruden Sr., as the chaplain of the Little Rock White Citizens Council, led resistance to the integration of Central High School in 1957 with the cry: "That's what we've gotta fight, niggers, Communists and cops."

1993 Dec 28: Hines meeting on ETS [2021270515]

1994 May 25: Note the similarities between the Stockholm Network and the network being organised for Philip Morris by (CIA operative) Richard T Hines.

Tilt Lillipuu of the Market Economy Center
P.O. Box 3199, EE-0090 Tallinn
ESTONIA Tel: 7-142-682-629 Fax: 7-142-683-156

    Expertise in fiscal policy/taxes, deregulation; disseminates free-market ideas; advocacy; closely linked to TIMBRO in Sweden; ties toHeritage Foundation (U.S.)

1994 May 25: ??? List of think-tanks in Europe He put this together for Fuller, when working on possible home for an International Journalism School [2025496760]

1994 May 26: To Matt Wlnokur Director International Regulatory Affairs Philip Morris 120 Park Ave., 23rd Floor New York, NY 10017

    Dear Mr. Winokur:
    In reference to your request for a proposal relating to news media relations in the European market relayed to me through Dr. Thomas Borelli of Philip Morris Corporate Affairs, allow me to offer a few ideas...

    You may be somewhat familiar with our work with Dr. Borelli involving various policy institutes in the United States and our development of a network of receptive journalists, television commentators and editorialists. One successful approach we have employed is our work with the National Journalism Center in Washington, D.C. NJC conducts on-going intern programs for college students and recent college graduates and also assists their graduates to obtain jobs in major media organizations. I attach a partial list of NJC alumni hired or published in major media...
...My rudimentary proposal is this; in a manner similar to our approach in the U.S.,Philip Morris should fund special programs by the Adam Smith and Kreible Institutes to conduct journalism programs. These would consist of intern programs and policy forum focusing on regulatory threats to industry and "political" science. In turn, we would then promote the "care and feeding" of key journalists to develop a network sympathetic to Philip Morris concerns...

    ...Unlike most plans that focus on getting one message out to the mass media our plan focuses on getting our message out to selected network of journalists. Using this approach in the U.S. we have been able to get favorable articles/commentaries in major publications such as the Wall Street Journal, National Review and reach millions of the public through the numerous syndicated columnists that are in our network...

1994 May 26: letter to Winokur, Intl Reg Affairs
    "our work with Dr Borelli involving various policy institutes in the US and our development of a network of receptive journalists, television commentators and editorialists. One successful approach we have employed is out work with the National Journalism Centre ... ongoing intern program for college students .. assists their graduates obtaining jobs in major media organisations."
    Export to Europe - Kriebel Institute and Adam Smith foudnation - intern program to train jouanrlists 'WE WOULD THEN PROMOTE THE "care and feeding" of key journalists to develop a network sympathetic to PMs concerns. [2025496776/6778]

1994 May 26: Hines has sent Winokur a list of the National Journalism College, Alumni who have been hired or published in Major Media.

1994 May 26: Richard T Hines has written to Matt Winokur, Director of International Regulatory Affairs at Philip Morris. He proposes to set up International Journalism project in Europe ("similar in concept to what we have done in America"), using both the Adam Smith and Krieble Institutes

1994 May 28: In this letter,[In folder 'Policy Group Project'] Washington, D.C. media consultant (and Philip Morris contractor) Richard Hines responds to a request from Philip Morris for assistance in influencing the European Media. Hines proposes to Matthew Winokur (of Philip Morris Worldwide Regulatory Affairs) that PM fund a journalism internship program through the National Journalism Center to produce a stable of journalists sympathetic to PM issues. As a follow-up to this proposal Hines adds,

"In turn we could promote the 'care and feeding' of journalists to develop a network sympathetic to Philip Morris."

"Using this approach in the U.S. we have been able to get favorable articles/commentaries in major publications such as the Wall Street Journal, National Review and reach millions of the public through the numerous syndicated columnists that are in our network. Moreoever, using this approach we can develop a sustainable media presence in Europe that can be accessed for numerous issues."

1994 May 28: Richard Hines writes to Winokur, Director of Interntional Regulatory Affairs. He says "You may be somewhat familiar with our work with Dr Borelli involving various policy institutes in the US and our development of a network of receptive journalists, television commentators and editorialists" [and] the National Journalism Center.

    He wants to disseminate Jane Gravelle's CRS study through the Adam Smith Institute, and the Krieble Institute. Krieble runs conferences in the former Communist Block and wishes to expand its operations by founding a school of journalism. He wants a contract also to set up a network of journalists on a continuing basis and run policy group seminars and an internship program

1994 June 1: Richard Hines is being involved via Tom Borelli in the Policy Group (somehow connected to the Cato Smoking/ETS forum being run in Washington). This was run by Roy Marden and Cato, with Winokur and his WRA group enlisting foreign corresponents for overseas newspapers.
    Borelli and Hines have been working closely "in getting the momentum out of the US groups".

    This is the 14 page list of European Think-tanks from Marden or Hines

1994 Aug 2: Winokur to Helen Lyberopoulos and Jo Sullivan, re the Policy Group Project. They are meeting with Richard Hines on Aug 10. They are sending the Heritage-biased list of European think-tanks TO Hines and Borelli.

    [This should be a 15 or 16 page list]

1994 Sept 14: Washington ETS forum for Philip Morris from Matt Winokur The enclosed series of e-mail messages reflects an opportunity we may wish to use selectively.

• On Monday, October 3, the CATO Institute will host a half day forum on ETS. It is open to the public, regulators and the media. I'll send the formal program as soon as its available. But since time is short, I wanted to give you as much time as possible to consider options. As the list of speakers suggests, the forum will provide an opportunity for a number of outspoken critics of ETS science and the EPA Risk Assessment to express their views.
  
• Gary Huber — He has consistently criticised ETS science and the EPA report, including an extensive article that appeared in Regulation Magazine which is published by CATO
• Jane Gravell — of the CRS
• Jacob Sullum the Forbes Media Critic
• Steven Bayard will represent the EPA

1995: Discussion on corruption of politicians, and organising trips to Belgium and Luxembourge. ["R Hines to check if there are other public policy partners in BE/LUX 2046538743 Appears to be in Belgium in 1995 2046538743]

1995 /E: Vice-President of Electronic Data Systems, a billion dollar corporation with over 60,000 employees, where he was responsible for U.S. Government sales.

1995: working with Borelli and Diana Weyrich on Russian and European projects REPORT ON FREEDOM'S CHALLENGE IN RUSSIA [2046563136]

1995 Apr 25: IARC Action Plan for Belgium (Preparing for the release of WHO Cancer assessment)

• Four ARISE conferences promoting Sound Science and GEP
  • ULB Conferences: Richard Hines will provide names for a US keynote speaker, and US panel member on media, for both the University of Leuven and the University of Gent
• HORACEA, Employers and Unions conferences, visits to Neuchatel, etc.
  • [Politicians] R Hines to check if there are other public policy partners in BE/LUX

1995 Sep: also with the CEI and Smith (last page) [2046557755/7762]

1995 Sep: CEI appeal for 2 x $200k funds from PM was ccd to Hines. [2046557755]

1995 Sep 21: here Hines is ccd on a CEI letter to PM. WHY ???? - [2046557755]

1996: In 1996, standing beside members of the Sons of Confederate Veterans Jefferson Davis Camp 305, Hines unfurled a Confederate battle flag in downtown Richmond, Virginia, to protest the dedication of a monument to black tennis great Arthur Ashe. He called the Ashe statue "a sharp stick in the eye of those who honor the Confederate heritage."

    Hines's protest reflected the brand of resentment found on the pages of America's major neo-secessionist publication, Southern Partisan, of which Hines was managing editor for nearly two decades. Southern Partisan served partly as a forum for historical revisionism that cast Lincoln as a villain;

1997: He combined his talent and experience in the private and public sectors to form RTH Consulting in 1997.

1997: In 1997 Hines interviewed Senator Trent Lott, who as a young congressman convinced Reagan to initiate his 1980 presidential campaign in Philadelphia, Mississippi, where Klansmen had murdered three young civil rights workers in 1964.

1997: Founded RTH Consulting

1997: Hines and his pal Carter Wrenn formed RTH Consulting Inc., swiftly procuring a gaggle of clients few others would touch. Hines's first major contract was a $550,000 deal with the group ruling Cambodia, the Cambodian People's Party, which included former Khmer Rouge extremists. The Washington Times published a pro-government editorial in 2000 by Hines, in which he denounced "foreign critics" pushing for an international trial of ex-Khmer Rouge leaders for the genocide of as many as 2 million of their countrymen. [The Nation] http://www.thenation.com/article/lobbyist-lost-cau (etc.)

1997 Feb: Richard Hines, President of BC&T Local Union (Bakers, Confectionery & Tobacco Union) [517110170]

1997 Jun: identifying (ID) conservative journalists for PM
    Bates Number: [2062539422/9426]

1998: In 1998 Hines chatted with Senator John Ashcroft of Missouri, who praised Hines and the Partisan for "setting the record straight," a comment that nearly doomed his nomination as Attorney General when it was dredged up during his confirmation hearings in 2001.

    In the year before Bush's election, Southern Partisan advertised the sale of T-shirts emblazoned with a Confederate flag shaped like a Republican Party elephant beside the phrase "Lincoln's Worst Nightmare!"

1999 May: PM intends to close the Louisville plant. Robert T Hines is President of the KY Union ("Dear Bobby")

    The leader of Jefferson Davis Camp 305's lunchtime meetings was its former commander Richard T Hines a high-rolling lobbyist who is one of the unheralded success stories of Bush's Washington The youngest Republican ever elected to the state legislature in South Carolina.

    Hines first arrived in Washington to work in a variety of midlevel posts during the Reagan Administration. Now he operates through RTH Consulting Inc. a lobbying firm that boasts of having an active voice in the current Bush Administration. In addition to securing a nice little appointment to the national libraries board for his wife, Hines has earned more than $150 million in Defense Department contracts for his weapons manufacturing clients and rakes in a large fee for his work on behalf of an African tyrant. It's a good life.

    Hines as it happens has picked up one of von Kloberg's clients, the dictator of Gambia, and like Abramoff, he is well connected to the political machine run out of the White House by Karl Rove. But it is Hines's devotion to the Lost Cause that makes him a rarity in a predatory world with little time for the mythology of magnolia and moonlight.

    At the same time as he has extended his own wealth and influence Hines has shrewdly used the political opportunities presented him by the Bush era to leverage the extremist goals of the neo-Confederate movement.

    He has become this movement's hidden hand from his arrangement of the funding for a race-infused smear campaign against the presidential candidacy of Senator John McCain in the decisive 2000 South Carolina Republican primary (that ultimately handed the nomination to George W Bush) to his financing of a faction of white supremacists seeking to transform the country's oldest Southern heritage organization the Sons of Confederate Veterans into a far-right pressure group.

    Richard comes as close to within the Brooks Brothers definition of a Southern patriot as anybody I can think of, said Roger McCredie the SCV's former chief of Heritage Defense and executive director of the Southern Legal Resource Center a North Carolina law organization closely linked to the SCV's radical faction. He's certainly well connected, McCredie added. He's very valuable. I'd like to multiply him by forty. That's the logical projection of what we'd like to see happen.

    As a history student at the University of South Carolina campus in the early 1970s Hines met his future wife Patricia Mayes the daughter of local oligarch, Bubba Jim Mayes, who presided over an 8,000-acre cotton plantation in Mayesville and kept politicians from both parties in his debt through campaign contributions made by the National Cotton Council which he controlled.

    While still in college Hines became South Carolina's youngest-ever Republican elected official winning a seat in the state's House of Representatives. In North Carolina, just up the road from Hines's district, his friend and future business partner Carter Wrenn helped manage the 1972 US Senate campaign of Jesse Helms — a race-baiting conservative who represented the new face of the Republican Party in the Deep South which was assimilating latter-day Dixiecrats.

    Helms vanquished a Greek-American Democrat with the campaign slogan Elect One of Us. When Ronald Reagan was elected President on a states rights platform eight years later Southern conservative John Shelton Reed, writing in 1981 in the newly minted neo-Confederate publication Southern Partisan under the pseudonym J.R Vanover, declared "If my analysis is correct, the stage may now be set for really hard-core sectional politics for the first time in over a century."

    Hines following the political tide moved to Washington. Throughout the 1980s he and his wife worked in the Reagan Administration, with Hines quietly toiling away at various midlevel White House administrative posts in the Transportation Department and General Services Administration. His wife worked as the Army's deputy assistant for manpower. Afterward he became a vice president at Electronic Data Systems, Ross Perot's company, using his contacts to get government contracts. But Hines also served as a bridge between the Republican Party and certain fringes of the conservative movement.

    Meanwhile Hines directed the takeover of Washington's Confederate Memorial Hall, an apolitical historical museum founded by Confederate Civil War veterans in 1907. Its former director John Edward Hurley said in 1986 that he tried to prevent Hines from hosting a fundraiser at the museum for denizens of the Reagan Doctrine, a peculiar gathering of Nicaraguan contras, Afghan-based mujahedeen, and members of the Angolan guerrilla group UNITA, which was funded by the South African apartheid regime.

    Hurley claims that Hines, whom he described as possessed with the malevolent aroma of the oligarch, retaliated by organizing a series of lawsuits against him that forced the museum to close in 1997.

    "I was right about these guys in the beginning. They all turned out to be a bunch of white supremacists," Hurley told me referring to Hines and his allies who included Goolsby whom he called Hines's gofer.

    Hurley encountered Hines regularly during the halcyon days of the Reagan era at the anodyne-sounding National Journalism Center's NJC Monday Club a weekly lunchtime event dedicated to introducing fledgling right-wing journalists to conservative movement leaders.

    The Monday Club's greeter was a veteran but obscure conservative operative named Fred Mann who recently gained notoriety for assembling an incoherent distortion-laden secret memo on alleged liberal media bias at PBS Corporation, for Public Broadcasting president Ken Tomlinson who ordered the Mann report was a key funder and organizer of the NJC during the 1980s according to Hurley.

    Its intern program which functioned as Hines's personal romper room received major funding from Philip Morris. In 1993 for example Philip Morris paid Hines to encourage NJC journalists to write articles refuting EPA reports on the health risks of secondhand smoke

    We could promote the 'care and feeding' of journalists to develop a network sympathetic to Philip Morris, Hines wrote in a 1994 response to a request from Philip Morris for help in influencing the European media Using this approach in the U.S we have been able to get favorable articles/commentaries in major publications such as the Wall Street Journal National Review and reach millions of the public through the numerous syndicated columnists that are in our network.

    In 1997 Hines and his pal Carter Wrenn formed RTH Consulting Inc. swiftly procuring a gaggle of clients few others would touch. Hines's first major contract was a $550,000 deal with the group ruling Cambodia, the Cambodian People's Party, which included former Khmer Rouge extremists. The Washington Times published a pro-government editorial in 2000 by Hines in which he denounced foreign critics pushing for an international trial of ex-Khmer Rouge leaders for the genocide of as many as 2 million of their countrymen .

    Hines now represents the regime of Gambian dictator Yahya Jammeh to the tune of $300,000 having replaced the late von Kloberg as his American spokesman. Hines's contract guaranteed he could gain the support of the conservative Republican leadership in the United States Congress for the government of Gambia and President Jammeh and thereby weaken opposition in Washington DC.

    Hines has also reeled in lucrative government contracts for another client the weapons manufacturing firm Ashbury International. In 2003 the Defense Department purchased $27.5 million in equipment from Ashbury which was the sole bidder. The following year Hines used his contacts in the Bush Administration to help procure a five-year $155.8 million contract for his client with the Army

    Even with such rewarding work on his platter Hines still finds time to defend Southern heritage or at least his version of it. In 1996 standing beside members of the Sons of Confederate Veterans ,Jefferson Davis Camp 305, Hines unfurled a Confederate battle flag in downtown Richmond Virginia to protest the dedication of a monument to black tennis great Arthur Ashe. He called the Ashe statue a sharp stick in the eye of those who honor the Confederate heritage.

    Hines's protest reflected the brand of resentment found on the pages of America's major neo-secessionist publication, Southern Partisan, of which Hines was managing editor for nearly two decades. Southern Partisan served partly as a forum for historical revisionism that cast Lincoln as a villain; in 1984 Hines himself penned a paean to Preston Brooks the secessionist South Carolina congressman who caned Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts on the Senate floor in 1854 for his speeches against slavery.

    The magazine also acted as Hines's instrument for connecting sympathetic political movers and shakers to the neo-Confederate base. Hines arranged a 1993 Partisan interview with Washington Times senior editor, Wes Pruden, whose father, Wes Pruden Sr,. as the chaplain of the Little Rock White Citizens Council, led resistance to the integration of Central High School in 1957 with the cry: That's what we've gotta fight: niggers, Communists and cops.

    In 1997 Hines interviewed Senator Trent Lott who, as a young congressman convinced Reagan to initiate his 1980 presidential campaign in Philadelphia Mississippi where Klansmen had murdered three young civil rights workers in 1964.

    In 1998 Hines chatted with Senator John Ashcroft of Missouri who praised Hines and the Partisan for setting the record straight, a comment that nearly doomed his nomination as Attorney General when it was dredged up during his confirmation hearings in 2001 In the year before Bush's election Southern Partisan advertised the sale of T-shirts emblazoned with a Confederate flag shaped like a Republican Party elephant beside the phrase Lincoln's Worst Nightmare!

    In 1997 Hines and his pal Carter Wrenn formed RTH Consulting Inc., swiftly procuring a gaggle of clients few others would touch. Hines's first major contract was a $550,000 deal with the group ruling Cambodia, the Cambodian People's Party, which included former Khmer Rouge extremists. The Washington Times published a pro-government editorial in 2000 by Hines, in which he denounced "foreign critics" pushing for an international trial of ex-Khmer Rouge leaders for the genocide of as many as 2 million of their countrymen. Hines now represents the regime of Gambian dictator Yahya Jammeh to the tune of $300,000, having replaced the late von Kloberg as his American spokesman. Hines's contract "guaranteed" he could "gain the support of the conservative Republican leadership in the United States Congress for the government of Gambia and President Jammeh, and thereby weaken opposition in Washington, DC." Hines has also reeled in lucrative government contracts for another client, the weapons manufacturing firm Ashbury International. In 2003 the Defense Department purchased $27.5 million in equipment from Ashbury, which was the sole bidder. The following year Hines used his contacts in the Bush Administration to help procure a five-year, $155.8 million contract for his client with the Army.

    Even with such rewarding work on his platter, Hines still finds time to defend Southern heritage, or at least his version of it. In 1996, standing beside members of the Sons of Confederate Veterans Jefferson Davis Camp 305, Hines unfurled a Confederate battle flag in downtown Richmond, Virginia, to protest the dedication of a monument to black tennis great Arthur Ashe. He called the Ashe statue "a sharp stick in the eye of those who honor the Confederate heritage." Hines's protest reflected the brand of resentment found on the pages of America's major neo-secessionist publication, Southern Partisan, of which Hines was managing editor for nearly two decades. Southern Partisan served partly as a forum for historical revisionism that cast Lincoln as a villain; in 1984 Hines himself penned a paean to Preston Brooks, the secessionist South Carolina congressman who caned Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts on the Senate floor in 1854 for his speeches against slavery. The magazine also acted as Hines's instrument for connecting sympathetic political movers and shakers to the neo-Confederate base. Hines arranged a 1993 Partisan interview with Washington Times senior editor Wes Pruden, whose father, Wes Pruden Sr., as the chaplain of the Little Rock White Citizens Council, led resistance to the integration of Central High School in 1957 with the cry: "That's what we've gotta fig ht, niggers, Communists and cops." In 1997 Hines interviewed Senator Trent Lott, who as a young congressman convinced Reagan to initiate his 1980 presidential campaign in Philadelphia, Mississippi, where Klansmen had murdered three young civil rights workers in 1964. In 1998 Hines chatted with Senator John Ashcroft of Missouri, who praised Hines and the Partisan for "setting the record straight," a comment that nearly doomed his nomination as Attorney General when it was dredged up during his confirmation hearings in 2001. In the year before Bush's election, Southern Partisan advertised the sale of T-shirts emblazoned with a Confederate flag shaped like a Republican Party elephant beside the phrase "Lincoln's Worst Nightmare!" By 2000 Hines was positioned to help rescue George W. Bush's flagging presidential candidacy from the jaws of defeat with an inspired dirty-tricks campaign. When Bush arrived in South Carolina in May, he was licking his wounds from a stunning defeat in New Hampshire to John McCain. For Bush, who needed to win the South to gain the nomination, the South Carolina primary was do or die.

    Hines's link to the Bush campaign was Bush's South Carolina spokesman Tucker Eskew, a local protˇgˇ of the legendary dirty-tricks master from the Palmetto State, Lee Atwater. Eskew was in constant contact with another former Atwater protˇgˇ, Karl Rove. Hines turned an unregistered political action committee called "Keep It Flying," which he created to fight the NAACP's attempts to remove the Confederate flag from the South Carolina Statehouse, into a vehicle for the Bush cause. He sent out 250,000 fliers that he signed with his own name accusing McCain of "changing his tune" on the Confederate flag and describing Bush as "the [only] major candidate who refused to call the Confederate flag a racist symbol." In fact, in a January appearance on Meet the Press, McCain had called the flag "a symbol of heritage" and an issue "to be settled without interference from presidential candidates." Regardless, the tactic succeeded brilliantly. In the wake of the mailing Bush surged ahead of McCain and defeated him in the primary. Bush finally returned his debt of gratitude late last year, when he appointed Hines's wife, Patricia, to the National Committee on Libraries and Information Science.

    Hines's direct-mail campaign might not have been so timely were it not for the political atmospherics that his close allies in South Carolina had generated. In January 2000, immediately after the NAACP announced a tourist boycott of South Carolina, Hines's college buddy Roger McCredie marshaled groups including the United Daughters of the Confederacy and the white-supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens at the state Capitol in Columbia to rally around the flag. Six thousand people showed up, many waving Confederate battle flags and dressed in Civil War-era battle uniforms.

    Compared with the 50,000 who marched through Columbia earlier that month for the flag's removal, it was a paltry turnout. Yet the rally demonstrated a residual level of vitriol toward Confederate flag opponents. State Senator Arthur Ravenel drew gales of applause when he blasted the NAACP as "the National Association of Retarded People." Lurking in the shadow of the grandstand throughout the rally was a scraggly man oddly wearing a top hat—one of Hines's most important political allies. Kirk Lyons earned fa r-right celebrity status in 1988 for successfully defending white supremacist Louis Beam against a sedition charge of plotting to overthrow the government by force in order to set up an all-white nation in the Pacific Northwest. Lyons's ubiquity as a legal counsel to white supremacists and a speaker at neo-Nazi events prompted the Southern Poverty Law Center to identify him in 1991 as one of the top ten "Leaders in Today's White Supremacy Movement." Lyons dreamed of resurrecting the white supremacist movement as a more sophisticated incarnation of the Ku Klux Klan. "I have great respect for the Klan historically, but, sadly the Klan today is ineffective and sometimes even destructive," Lyons told a German neo-Nazi magazine in 1992. "It would be good if the Klan followed the advice of former Klansman Robert Miles: 'Become invisible. Hang the robes and hoods in the cupboard and become an underground organization.'" When Lyons discovered the Sons of Confederate Veterans, he realized he didn't have to go underground after all.

    For more than a hundred years, the SCV thrived as an apolitical organization of direct descendants of Confederate soldiers. Its members maintained Confederate cemeteries and monuments, studied Civil War history and organized battle re-enactments. And they assiduously tried to avoid any hint of extremism, passing a resolution in 1990 condemning hate groups. Then came the takeover.

    During the group's 2002 elections, a Kirk Lyons-backed radical named Ron Wilson was installed as SCV commander in chief. Wilson began a purge of moderate elements in the group and appointed Lyons, McCredie and other racists to leadership positions. Today the takeover appears to be nearly complete, and many SCV moderates have broken off in disgust to form an ad hoc group called Save the SCV.

    As the Southern Poverty Law Center points out, the takeover may have dangerous political implications: "The SCV has some 30,000 members, about $5 million in reserves and a number of very prominent members. It has real political pull in some places, a fact that makes it a tempting prize for racists."

    One of the leading figures in the SCV takeover, Larry Salley, has laid out grandiose plans for the movement. In a September 7, 2003, e-mail to Save the SCV, provided to me by a source close to Save the SCV, Salley articulated the goals of the neo-Confederate extremists: "We have legislators in the Senate and the House. We have members who have been elected to Constitutional offices within South Carolina. We are the mainstream." Salley continued: "I have a dream, and that dream is to decentralise political power to the extent that no central politician has the power to tell me, or my son, when or where he can pray, or what firearm he can own, or whether we can ban abortion. Your government's ban on the Ten Commandments will eventually bring the wrath of God on your nation." "To them [the neo-Confederates], the flag really symbolizes the South as a white, patriarchal, Christian society,"

    Ed Sebesta, an independent researcher of the neo-Confederate movement, based in Dallas, Texas, told me. "They want the federal government out of their way because locally, they wouldn't mind having a little regime of their own based on race and a state religion." Sebesta added, "They believe in what they call 'ordered liberty.' As far I can tell, ordered liberty means they're going to order you around, and they'll be at liberty to do so because there'll be no central authority."

    The Southern Legal Resource Center in Black Mountain, North Carolina, has emerged as the spearhead of the SCV radicals' political agenda. Founded by Lyons to combat "the ethnic cleansing of Dixie," the firm employs Salley, McCredie and Ron Wilson's daughter. Richard Hines is among its key fundraisers and donors.

    The SLRC has filed nearly 400 lawsuits alleging discrimination against "traditional Southerners" by corporations, local and state governments, and menacing minorities. Its most prominent client is Jacqueline Duty, a high school student barred from her senior prom in 2003 for wearing a Confederate flag-inspired sequin dress. Profiled in countless newspapers and publicized through an appearance on the Fox News Network's Hannity and Colmes in December 2004, Duty's lawsuit against her school district has become the cause cˇl¸bre of the neo-Confederates. According to McCredie, Duty's case was underwritten with a donation of about $1,000 from Hines, whom he calls "a substantial contributor" to the SLRC.

    Hines donated another $1,000 to the SLRC's general fund in early August, according to McCredie, supplementing a $10,000 contribution from the SCV earlier this year. "It's not about a flag," McCredie explained, "it's about everything that coalesces within this piece of cloth. Otherwise, we wouldn't have any moral ground to stand on.... It's the basis of what we do every time we take up the cudgel and go to court, or we write another book, or we write another newsletter, or make another speech. It's a David and Goliath thing.

    But at this point in time, the great revolutionary spark, the thing that sends people to the barricades, is largely lacking." On Memorial Day, 2001, George W. Bush resurrected a tradition his father discontinued during his presidency: laying a wreath at the base of the Confederate monument at the Arlington National Cemetery. The White House has claimed that the practice continued from the Bush Sr. Administration through the Clinton years, yet according to Hurley, "not a single person in the Confederate community ever saw the wreath back at the Confederate memorial until Geoge W.

    Bush came into office." Hurley says Bush merely changed the day of the wreath's delivery, from Confederate Memorial Day—Jefferson Davis's birthday—to the US Memorial Day. Last Confederate Memorial Day, Hurley witnessed Hines at the memorial leading a gathering of Washington-based conservatives, including members of the Jefferson Davis Camp 305 that met at the Mary Surratt site. Now Bush Administration officials joined the commemoration, most prominently Robert Wilkie, the former foreign policy adviser to Senator Lott who was appointed last October by Condoleezza Rice as the National Security Council's senior legislative director. Attired in all-white plantation garb and white top hat, Hines fired an artillery cannon he had carted along for the occasion. Then he and the ceremony's attendees solemnly saluted the Confederate flag.

    In Richard Hines's Washington, the sparks may be symbolic, but the revolution is well under way.

2000: By 2000 Hines was positioned to help rescue George W. Bush's flagging presidential candidacy from the jaws of defeat with an inspired dirty-tricks campaign. When Bush arrived in South Carolina in May, he was licking his wounds from a stunning defeat in New Hampshire to John McCain. For Bush, who needed to win the South to gain the nomination, the South Carolina primary was do or die.

    Hines's link to the Bush campaign was Bush's South Carolina spokesman Tucker Eskew, a local protˇgˇ of the legendary dirty-tricks master from the Palmetto State, Lee Atwater. Eskew was in constant contact with another former Atwater protˇgˇ, Karl Rove.

    Hines turned an unregistered political action committee called "Keep It Flying," which he created to fight the NAACP's attempts to remove the Confederate flag from the South Carolina Statehouse, into a vehicle for the Bush cause. He sent out 250,000 fliers that he signed with his own name accusing McCain of "changing his tune" on the Confederate flag and describing Bush as "the [only] major candidate who refused to call the Confederate flag a racist symbol."

    In fact, in a January appearance on Meet the Press, McCain had called the flag "a symbol of heritage" and an issue "to be settled without interference from presidential candidates." Regardless, the tactic succeeded brilliantly. In the wake of the mailing Bush surged ahead of McCain and defeated him in the primary. Bush finally returned his debt of gratitude late last year, when he appointed Hines's wife, Patricia, to the National Committee on Libraries and Information Science.

    Hines's direct-mail campaign might not have been so timely were it not for the political atmospherics that his close allies in South Carolina had generated.

2000: His history of political activism was, most recently, extended to aid the campaign of President Bush in the South Carolina Primary of the 2000 Presidential election. He continues to be involved in local, regional, and federal politics and has an active voice in the current Bush Administration. In April of this year [2002], he participated in the Government Roundtable in Athens, Greece, where he spoke alongside former President Bush, Mikhail Gorbechev, and other European leaders, as well as prominent businessmen.

2000: Sid Bluminthal in The Clinton Wars, says Hines is a long-time Republican activist, and leader of a movement in favour of the Confederate Flag. He has a PAC called "Keep it Flying" and they wrote 250,000 letters in support of Bush attacking John McCain in the Republican primaries.

2000: But one of the organizations connected to the [annual Jefferson Davis] ceremony is the Sons of Confederate Veterans, whose "Chief Aide-de-Camp" is Richard T. Hines, a politically active lobbyist from South Carolina.

    In that state's brutal 2000 Republican primary, Hines reportedly helped finance tens of thousands of letters blasting Bush rival John McCain for failing to support the flying of the Confederate flag over the state capitol.

2000 Jan: , immediately after the NAACP announced a tourist boycott of South Carolina, Hines's college buddy Roger McCredie marshaled groups including the United Daughters of the Confederacy and the white-supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens at the state Capitol in Columbia to rally around the flag.

    Six thousand people showed up, many waving Confederate battle flags and dressed in Civil War-era battle uniforms. Compared with the 50,000 who marched through Columbia earlier that month for the flag's removal, it was a paltry turnout. Yet the rally demonstrated a residual level of vitriol toward Confederate flag opponents.

    State Senator Arthur Ravenel drew gales of applause when he blasted the NAACP as "the National Association of Retarded People." Lurking in the shadow of the grandstand throughout the rally was a scraggly man oddly wearing a top hat—one of Hines's most important political allies. Kirk Lyons earned far-right celebrity status in 1988 for successfully defending white supremacist Louis Beam against a sedition charge of plotting to overthrow the government by force in order to set up an all-white nation in the Pacific Northwest. Lyons's ubiquity as a legal counsel to white supremacists and a speaker at neo-Nazi events prompted the Southern Poverty Law Center to identify him in 1991 as one of the top ten "Leaders in Today's White Supremacy Movement."

    Lyons dreamed of resurrecting the white supremacist movement as a more sophisticated incarnation of the Ku Klux Klan. "I have great respect for the Klan historically, but, sadly the Klan today is ineffective and sometimes even destructive," Lyons told a German neo-Nazi magazine in 1992. "It would be good if the Klan followed the advice of former Klansman Robert Miles: ŌBecome invisible. Hang the robes and hoods in the cupboard and become an underground organization.'" When Lyons discovered the Sons of Confederate Veterans, he realized he didn't have to go underground after all.

2000 July 2: A Richard Hines article in the Washington Times "Keeping Cambodia on our side" which promotes both Senator John Kerry and John McCain — an extraordinary event — until one reads further down and finds an admission:

I represent the Prime Minister of Cambodia in relations with the U.S. government, a fact of which many readers will be well aware. But my means of livelihood does not deprive me of my free speech rights as an American citizen. I truly believe the Cambodian government is making daily progress toward a free, stable, and prosperous country, and this belief is shared by a growing number of Americans who have taken the trouble to inform themselves.

2000 Oct: Missing Court Documents from CMA Trial
    EXHIBIT B: U.S. Department of Justice Foreign Agents Registration Act forms as filed by Richard T. Hines, which officially document his employment as an agent/consultant for the Cambodian Peoples Party (which controls the oppressive, anti-democratic regime currently in power in Cambodia) http://www.confederate.org/publish/legal/missing/m (etc.)

2000 Nov: /E Article on the Republican Primary battle between George Dubya Bush and John McCain. Hines was involved in a PAC called "Keep it Flying: which advocated keeping the Confederate Flag flying above the South Carolina capital. He attacked John McCain for saying

"The
    Confederate Flag is offensive in many, many ways. As we all know, it's a symbol of racism and slavery.

It also included a "Keep the Flag! Dump Hodges!" bumper sticker and asked for contributions to pay for TV and radio ads.

    The McCain campaign staff suggests the Bush campaign and the PAC might have coordinated because the head of the group, Richard Hines, is a friend of Bush strategist Warren Tompkins. Tompkins was quick to deny any prior knowledge of the PAC's activities.

    The National Smokers Alliance also attacked McCain, in part because of his sponsorship of an unsuccessful bill in 1998 that would have increased tobacco taxes by more than $500 billion. The Alliance spent $25,000 on radio and television advertising to remind smokers and tobacco growers in
    South Carolina, a state where tobacco is the number one cash crop, of McCain's record.

2001: On Memorial Day, 2001, George W. Bush resurrected a tradition his father discontinued during his presidency: laying a wreath at the base of the Confederate monument at the Arlington National Cemetery. The White House has claimed that the practice continued from the Bush Sr. Administration through the Clinton years, yet according to Hurley, "not a single person in the Confederate community ever saw the wreath back at the Confederate memorial until Geoge W. Bush came into office." Hurley says Bush merely changed the day of the wreath's delivery, from Confederate Memorial Day—Jefferson Davis's birthday—to the US Memorial Day. Last Confederate Memorial Day, Hurley witnessed [Richard T.] Hines at the memorial leading a gathering of Washington-based conservatives, including members of the Jefferson Davis Camp 305 that met at the Mary Surratt site. Now Bush Administration officials joined the commemoration, most prominently Robert Wilkie, the former foreign policy adviser to Senator Lott who was appointed last October by Condoleezza Rice as the National Security Council's senior legislative director. Attired in all-white plantation garb and white top hat, Hines fired an artillery cannon he had carted along for the occasion. Then he and the ceremony's attendees solemnly saluted the Confederate flag. http://hungryblues.net/2005/12/17/keeping-up-with- (etc.)

2004 June: Hines visits Gambia [Source Wikileaks]

C O N F I D E N T I A L BANJUL 000009 SIPDIS SIPDIS FOR AF, AF/W, AND AF/PD E.O. 12958: DECL: [01/09/2017] TAGS: PREL?[External Political Relations], GA?[Gambia] SUBJECT: THE GAMBIA: EMBASSY CABLE ABOUT BOGUS CONGRESSMAN IN PUBLIC DOMAIN REF: 04 BANJUL 430 Classified By: AMBASSADOR JOSEPH STAFFORD, REASON 1.4 (D)

    ¦1. (U) Reftel — text contained in para 4 — reported the June 2004 visit to The Gambia by a private American business consultant, Richard T. Hines, who evidently passed himself off to the GOTG as a member of the U.S. Congress. Reftel also reported Embassy's efforts to clarify Hines' status with the GOTG.

    ¦2. (U) Reftel was unclassified and its verbatim text is now in the public domain. New York Times reporter Barry Meier e-mailed a copy of reftel to the Embassy and asked that we confirm its authenticity. Ambassador responded that Embassy had no comment, either on authenticity or otherwise. We note that an online "journal" known for its anti-GOTG stance, "AllGambian.net," has also carried the text.

    ¦3. (C) COMMENT: Reftel, which predates the current Embassy team, is potentially embarrassing to The GOTG, which was seemingly hoodwinked by Hines. We think it likely that "AllGambian.net" featured the text in an effort to score points against the GOTG. So far, we have picked up no reaction here to reftel's surfacing publicly. END COMMENT.

    ¦4. (U) BEGIN TEXT OF REFTEL: SUMMARY ¦1. Over the last week, Post has been engaged in damage control following the visit of an independent American consultant who passed himself off to high ranking Gambian officials as a US Congressman. The fallout may be the negative reception of potential US investment in the desperately needed airline sector, but Post is doing all it can to see that does not happen. END SUMMARY.

    CONGRESSMAN IN TOWN?

    ¦2. On Friday, June 18, 2004, a contact alerted Poloff Daniel Renna that there was a business consultant in The Gambia introducing himself as a US Congressman. Poloff informed CDA who insisted that the story be confirmed or denied by AF/W.

    An hour Later, AF/W confirmed that no Representatives or Senators were currently in The Gambia.

    ¦3. On Saturday, June 19, CDA attended a celebration at President Jammeh's village and was shocked when President Jammeh entered the dining room flanked by a man announced as "U.S. Congressman" Richard T. Hines. Hines sat next to the President at the head table of the gathering of some 700 guests. Hines then handed President Jammeh a pin, as a pronouncement was made that the "Congressman" had just awarded President Jammeh a medal from the 82nd Airborne Division.

    ¦4. Later at the dinner when Hines was introduced to CDA as the Congressman, CDA began to inquire of the veracity of his title and as to why she had not been informed of his visit to The Gambia. Hines suggested that he and CDA meet for breakfast Monday morning to discuss the matter.

    THE TRUTH FINALLY COMES OUT

    ¦5. On Monday, June 21, CDA and Poloff met Hines and his business associates at the Kairaba Hotel for breakfast. Hines acknowledged immediately that there had been a misunderstanding. He explained that he was a private international business consultant hired by World Air Leasing, whose CEO, C. Edward Creed, was one of the business partners at the table. He admitted that he had given President Jammeh a gift of a lapel pin with the 82nd airborne insignia that he happened to have had with him at the time. In no way, Hines explained, had he intended to passed himself off as someone he was not. However, he also admitted that he had stepped on some sensitive toes when he had quipped to President Jammeh that The Gambia's oil prospects were "only propaganda." CDA and Poloff explained the role of the Embassy in relations between the U.S. and The Gambia, and expressed their displeasure at being the last ones to know of his presence in the country.

    ¦6. CDA cautioned Hines and his associates against their plans to travel overland to Dakar that evening and handed Hines a copy of Post's most recent Consular Information Sheet. She further instructed Post's travel office to make reservations for all three men to travel by air to Dakar that evening.

    After a meeting at the Embassy to discuss World Air Leasing's legitimate business plans for starting up an airline in The Gambia (to be reported septel), Hines, Creed, and their Gambian partner Abu Kalley, returned to their hotel and departed the country on schedule.

    ¦7. On Wednesday, June 23, Post received a copy of The Gambia Daily, the Government paper and The Gambia's newspaper of record, for Monday, June 21, carrying the banner headline, "President Jammeh receives U.S. award for fight against terrorism." The text of the first paragraph of the article is reproduced below. The remainder of the article does not mention Hines at all.

    Begin text "A US Congressman, Richard T. Hines, has on behalf of President George Bush presented President Yahya Jammeh with an award acknowledging his courage and truth in the fight against terrorism. The ceremony took place during President Jammeh's visit to Bakau last Thursday, the final day of his Dialogue with The People tour." End of Text

    DAMAGE CONTROL

    ¦8. CDA asked to meet Mambury Njie, Permanent Secretary, Office of the President to explain the situation. During a thirty- minute CDA told Njie what Hines had told her. CDA reported that Hines had subsequently clarified that his claim to be a Congressman had been a misunderstanding on the part of the Gambian government; nevertheless, he had had ample opportunity to clear up the misconception and had failed to do so. Given Hines' association with World Air Leasing, CDA was concerned that this internationally recognized commercial aircraft leasing company might not be evaluated on its own merits, and recommended that the company be allowed to continue its negotiations with the Gambian Civil Aviation Authority. CDA further suggested that Hines, however, should not be part of any future negotiations between World Air Leasing and Gambian officials.

    ¦9. Permanent Secretary Njie was grateful for the information and said he would not advise President Jammeh right away of the problem. Since the Gambian Embassy in Washington had organized the trip, Njie intimated that their Ambassador Bammy Jagne would write a letter to the Gambian government explaining what had happened. Njie said he would discuss the problem with the President only after receipt of the letter.

    Despite the sensitivity of the subject, the meeting ended on a very cordial note.

    COMMENT

    ¦10. This surreal episode did not have to happen and was beyond Post's control. Mr. Hines is a private citizen who came to The Gambia on private business. Nevertheless, by posing as a Congressman and meeting with President Jammeh under that pretends, he seriously jeopardized Post's standing in the country. It is clear that as early as Thursday, Hines could have nipped the impression that he was a Congressman in the bud, but was unable or chose not to do so.

    ¦11. The unfortunate consequence of this incident may be the scuttling of World Air Leasing's plans to start up a legitimate airline running transatlantic and subregional flights using Banjul airport as a hub. There has been a long list of pretenders to the job (see ref C) and each one has made wild predictions and has not been able to fulfill on any of them. Post will continue to use all of its influence to ensure that legitimate business is not harmed by Hines' charade.

    END TEXT OF REFTEL
    STAFFORD

2004 Aug 6: — Richard T. Hines Brings Extensive Government Relationships and Corporate Management Expertise to Next Generation Software Radio Pioneers

    TechnoConcepts, Inc. (OTCBB:TCPS), the developer of True Software Radio (TSR), today announced that former state senator and federal government official Richard T. Hines, now a leading international political and business development consultant, has joined the TechnoConcepts board of directors. TechnoConcept's True Software Radio (TSR) technology, when fully implemented, solves a critical limitation of existing wireless solutions and allows different wireless protocols to communicate with each other. The core technology also can be adapted to other myriad applications ranging from military and emergency response, to industrial and consumer entertainment systems.

    TechnoConcepts, Inc. has developed a technology that enables competing wireless standards to understand each other by incorporating a transmitter/receiver (transceiver) based on a computer chip with TechnoConcepts' revolutionary True Software Radio (TSR) technology to process signals received from the antennae of wireless devices. http://www.tmcnet.com/usubmit/2004/aug/1063355.htm

2005 Aug 29: The Nation "Lobbyist for the Lost Cause"

Hines now represents the regime of Gambian dictator Yahya Jammeh to the tune of $300,000, having replaced the late von Kloberg as his American spokesman. Hines's contract "guaranteed" he could "gain the support of the conservative Republican leadership in the United States Congress for the government of Gambia and President Jammeh, and thereby weaken opposition in Washington, DC."

    Hines has also reeled in lucrative government contracts for another client, the weapons manufacturing firm Ashbury International. In 2003 the Defense Department purchased $27.5 million in equipment from Ashbury, which was the sole bidder. The following year Hines used his contacts in the Bush Administration to help procure a five-year, $155.8 million contract for his client with the Army.

2005 Nov 30:

A UN Security Council report dated November 30, 2005, lists Bout's Gambia New Millennium Air Company as having its address at the residence of Hines' client Jammeh: State House, Banjul, Gambia. The UN report states, "The Director of this firm is Baba Jobe, who is already listed on the Liberia Sanctions Committee's assets freeze list. According to a commercial aviation database, the firm acted as a cover for Victor Bout's operations. Its one aircraft, a Russian-made passenger jet, was acquired from Centrafrican Airlines."

    It is noteworthy that Hines's client, President Jammeh, just took possession of the Russian-made VIP presidential passenger jet, an Ilyushin IL-62 (C5-GNM) [Gambia] (formerly [CCCP-86511] [USSR], [RA-86511] [Russia], 3D-RTI [Swaziland], TL-ACL [Central African Republic]).

    And also of interest is the owner of the presidential aircraft: it is none other than Gambia New Millennium Air, the Bout-owned company listed on the UN Security Council freeze list and which is headquartered at Jammeh's State House in Banjul, the Gambian capital. In fact, the plane had been previously registered to Bout front companies in Swaziland and the Central African Republic.

    Bout, who flew arms and passengers from Dubai and other locations to Taliban-controlled Afghanistan prior to 9-11, is now providing air services in post-Taliban Afghanistan as well as U.S.-occupied Iraq. Bout's transactions with the Taliban were handled by Vial, Inc., a firm based in Delaware.

    One of Bout's closest associates is the Russian-Israeli Odessa-born crime boss Leonid Minin, an Israeli national who, according to the UN Security Council, travels on forged German passports as well as legal Israeli, Russian, Greek, and Bolivian passports under at least ten aliases.

    It is also noteworthy that many of Bout's operations are based in Eastern European countries that have been mentioned in association with the rendition and transporting of CIA prisoners. Bout's numerous Russian-built cargo and passenger planes have been seen at the same airports used by CIA flights. For example, Bright Aviation, a suspected Bout front, is based at Sofia Airport in Bulgaria. Bulgaria is believed to be one of the countries used by the CIA to house secret prisoners. Another Bout front, Moldtransavia SRL, is based in Chisinau, Moldova, another suspected stopover point for CIA flights.[snip]

    According to informed sources who have tracked the neo-Nazis since the Reagan era, the surge in extreme right-wing elements in the Federal government was spurred on by the network of Nicaraguan Contra support activities created to facilitate going around the prohibitions enacted by the Congress.

    A key member of that strategy was Cheney's Chief of Staff David Addington, who was with the CIA, the Iran-Contra Committee in Congress, and then signed on as senior Vice President for the American Trucking Associations (ATA). WMR reported yesterday on the involvement of a foundation set up by McLean Trucking Co., a member of the ATA, with covert Contra support.

    The ATA is a hotbed of GOP activity as well past connections with support for covert CIA activities. Its chief lobbyist is Jim ("Whit") Whittinghill, a former aide to Sen. Bob Dole. Whittinghill's wife, Nancy Dorn, served as an assistant to Texas Representative Tom Loeffler and later served as Special Assistant for Legislative Affairs to Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush.

    Dorn also served as 1989-93), Nancy Dorn worked for Defense Secretary Dick Cheney as Assistant Secretary of the Army for Civil Works and Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Inter-American Affairs. While working for Cheney, Dorn became a close associate of Addington. Dorn was also Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs.

    In 2001, Dorn returned to government after acting as a lobbyist for Pakistan, Azerbaijan, and China. She became special assistant for legislative affairs to Vice President Cheney. In 2002, Dorn became the Deputy Director for the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), where she served until 2003 before becoming Vice President for Government Relations of General Electric, the parent company of NBC and NBC News. [snip]

    According to the CMA's Hurley, Kohn's association with Hines, himself a former member of the South Carolina House of Representatives, was known to the FBI. But Hines, as a top GOP figure, was "off limits" as far as the FBI was concerned. The FBI told Hurley that "political influence" in the judge bribery case made it impossible for them to continue with an investigation, which was said to have involved cocaine.

    Hines was certainly no stranger to the trucking business, having held a position under the Reagan administration with the now-defunct Interstate Commerce Commission, which regulated the trucking industry, and the Department of Transportation. Trucking firms associated with the American Trucking Association were part and parcel with the national cocaine distribution network in the United States, according to sources familiar with the covert operation.

2005 Dec 12: Ties between southern Christian fundamentalists, ...By Wayne Madsen

Additional ties between southern Christian fundamentalists, Texas oil interests, and Russian-Israeli mobsters and weapons smugglers uncovered. According to informed Washington insiders, there is increasing evidence of financial links between key "Christian Right" GOP notables and an international ring of Russian-Ukrainian-Israeli mobsters tied to notorious Russian weapons smuggler Viktor Vasilevich (aka Anatoliyevich) Bout.[Who's US assets were frozen by Treasury Department]

    There is also now interest in the activities of Richard T. Hines, the head of the powerful Republican lobbying firm RTH Consulting, Inc. Hines, a South Carolina native and a protege of the late GOP dirty trickmeister Lee Atwater, was one of the architects of the dirty tricks campaign by Bush against John McCain in the 2000 South Carolina primary. A confederate of Abramoff in the 1980s Reagan administration's covert support network for the Nicaraguan contras, Angolan UNITA guerrillas, and Afghan mujaheddin, Hines is active in various Confederacy resurgence organizations, many of which have clear racist agendas. However, that has not prevented Hines from becoming the lobbyist for Gambian dictator Yahya Jammeh, a military officer who overthrew Gambia's democratically-elected President Sir Dawda K. Jawara in a 1994 military coup supported by the United States Navy.

    Hines inherited the lobbying contract for Gambia from the eclectic Washington lobbyist Edward von Kloberg III, an individual who represented Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, Liberia's Samuel K. Doe, Nicolae Ceausescu of Romania, Congolese leader Laurent Kabila, the exiled King Kigeli V of Rwanda, and Saddam Hussein. Last May, von Kloberg took a swan dive off of a castle in Rome, allegedly committing suicide after a spat with a gay partner.

    The connections between Hines and Gambia are important since the small narrow West African country is also a major base of operations for notorious Russian international arms smuggler Viktor Bout. The Gambia is the headquarters for one of many of Bout's front companies — companies that are used to smuggle everything from weapons to diamonds and mercenaries to international relief supplies. In fact, Bout was the character on whom fictional arms smuggler Yuri Orlov, played by Nicolas Cage in the movie Lord of War, was largely based.

    Bout's connections with the Christian Right do not end with Gambia. Bout was Liberian dictator Charles Taylor's primary arms and diamond smuggler. Bout and his associates were given Liberian diplomatic passports and, with Taylor's blessing and protection, they registered a number of their front companies in Monrovia, the Liberian capital. Taylor, who is now in exile in Nigeria, was a business partner with Christian Coalition founder Pat Robertson. Robertson's organization mentored both Ralph Reed and Richard Hines. According to British and Israeli intelligence sources, Taylor also enabled Al Qaeda to launder blood diamonds for cash through Liberia. Liberia and neighboring Sierra Leone were where Israeli mobsters engaged in business with Israeli gangsters who operated under the full protection of the Israeli Likud government.

2006 Aug 17:

The Sons of Confederate Veterans (SCV), which, according to Confederate Memorial Association director John Edward Hurley, has been a longtime hub for extreme right-wing Republican activities.

    SCV 305's last non-profit corporation filing with the District of Columbia was on January 10, 2006. [link to waynemadsenreport.com] The name of the registered agent is Charles Goolsby and the Director is listed as Richard T. Hines.

    Goolsby is a producer for the Voice of America who told The Nation's Max Blumenthal in an August 16, 2005 article [link to
that he had not been part of the SCV "in a long time." However, SCV 305's corporate filing clearly indicates that Goolsby was the registered agent for the group five months after his denial appeared in The Nation. Goolsby is in charge of issuing International Crime Alert for the VOA and the International Broadcasting Bureau. The criminal alerts, while including global alerts on Osama Bin Laden and various Latin American narco-criminals, does not include any right-wing groups or terrorists.

    Richard T. Hines, who owns RTH Consulting, is a top GOP lobbyist who is involved in various neo-Confederate activities, including the annual Confederate Memorial service in Arlington National Cemetery — a ceremony that honors Jefferson Davis on his birthday and which brings together a "Who's Who" of neo-Confederate luminaries in Washington, DC. Hines' clients include Cambodia, Saudi Arabia, the military dictatorship of the Gambia, and the oil-rich Akwa-Ibom state in what partly constituted the former secessionist Republic of Biafra.

    Hines has also been a writer for the secessionist Southern Partisan magazine, in the pages of which are found the words of Trent Lott praising the principles of Jefferson Davis and how they apply to the Republican Party and John Ashcroft heaping praise on the Confederacy.

    In the past, the Arlington Confederate memorial service has received wreaths from George Allen and his senatorial colleague John Warner. Allen is a longtime supporter of SCV activities, having, as Governor of Virginia, issuing a 1994 proclamation, drafted by the SCV, that declared the month of April "Confederate History and Heritage Month." The proclamation lauded the Confederacy's four-year "struggle for independence."

    Hines, a native of South Carolina, was involved in the trashing of John McCain in that state's GOP primary on behalf of the Bush 2000 presidential campaign. Hines learned dirty and race baiting politics from a fellow South Carolinian Republican, the late Lee Atwater, the role model for Karl Rove

2006 Nov 22: Washington Times letter by Richard Hines attacking Senator/Governor George Allen.

In 2006, Mr. Allen turned his back on his friends and spurned them including constituencies such as the Virginia Division of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, for whom he had issued his "Confederate History Month" proclamation as governor — and he embraced his enemies, such as the NAACP, with whom he signed on as a "life member" late in the campaign.

2007 April 29: Lobbyist for Jammeh.
    New York Times:

"Mr. Hines, meanwhile, also promoted a California telecommunications company, TechnoConcepts Inc., to Mr. Attah as an ideal joint venture partner. According to Mr. Attah, what Mr. Hines did not tell him was that he then had a contract with TechnoConcepts that paid him $10,000 a month. Mr. Hines also held TechnoConcepts stock options and was in line to receive bonuses for bringing new business to the company. He had also sought business for the company in Gambia.

    TechnoConcepts, which claims patents to valuable wireless technology, has never made a profit, according to its filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission. Investors are suing the company and its executives, contending fraud — claims that TechnoConcepts and its officials deny."said the New York Times. [snip]

    Over the past two years, an unlikely cast of characters sought a piece of a multimillion-dollar public spending spree initiated by Mr. Attah, an ambitious politician who wanted to be Nigeria's next president. The group included a lobbyist who boasted of ties to the Bush White House, a bankrupt Las Vegas businessman who claimed to be a "privatization expert," a publicly traded consulting firm that has several public luminaries in its ranks, and lesser-known door-openers in Washington and Nigeria whom law enforcement authorities have questioned in the bribery investigation of Representative William J. Jefferson of Louisiana.

    Holding center stage was Richard T. Hines, a lobbyist and consultant Mr. Attah hired in 2005 to represent Akwa Ibom in the United States. Mr. Hines, who has a passion for the old Confederacy, brought together a rag-tag band of confederates. Rivals also gathered and, as the golf resort's opening neared, a showdown ensued, one that produced an unlikely winner.

    Nigeria is, of course, no stranger to corporate shell games and quick money schemes. Fraud, in all its varieties, is so common here that those who practice the craft are known as "419ers," a reference to the section of the country's penal code that covers the crime. But a nose for opportunity and a taste for money is hardly indigenous to Nigeria. Kenneth Gross, a lobbying expert in Washington, said that while many lobbyists talk about venturing into developing countries like Nigeria in search of rich rewards, there is a special breed who actually do. "It takes a real adventuresome spirit to take off their Gucci shoes and put on the hiking boots," he says. Then hoe it down and scratch your gravel, to Dixie Land I'm bound to travel. Look away, look away, look away, Dixie Land! — from "Dixie's Land" As musicians dressed in gray Civil War-era uniforms recently performed before a likeness of Gen. Robert E. Lee in Statuary Hall of the Capitol in Washington, a small assembly joined in by singing a rousing version of "Dixie's Land." The ceremony honored the birthday of the Southern military leader, an event that Mr. Hines typically attends as head of a chapter of the Sons of Confederate Veterans.

    Although he did not attend the celebration this month, few would have attributed his absence to a lack of zeal. A decade ago, for instance, Mr. Hines marched down a street in Richmond, Va., rebel battle flag in hand, to protest the unveiling of a statute there to the late black tennis star Arthur Ashe Jr. Mr. Hines said that his grievance was not racial, but that the street was hallowed ground for Confederate monuments. "The intent of the placement of the statue was to debunk our heritage," The Associated Press quoted him as saying.

    More recently, he helped pay for a stealth mailing campaign during the 2000 Republican presidential primaries that attacked Senator John McCain for criticizing South Carolina for flying the Confederate flag over its capitol. On festive occasions, Mr. Hines, a former South Carolina lawmaker, wears a tie emblazoned with the Stars and Bars, the first flag of the Confederacy.

    An African politician allied with a lobbyist who likes to whistle Dixie might seem an odd coupling. But in Mr. Hines, Mr. Attah found a Washington veteran who, while not the biggest lobbyist in town, had apparently carved out an influential niche. [snip]

    Richard T. Hines, who has led a chapter of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, was hired as a lobbyist to represent Akwa Ibom. The Web site of his company, RTH Consulting, has boasted that "You Have the Right Connections" in Mr. Hines, and that the firm has "an active voice in the current Bush administration." In his office, Mr. Hines displays photographs of himself alongside officials like Vice President Dick Cheney, according to visitors there. Mr. Hines did not respond to repeated interview requests in recent weeks or to a series of written questions. But over the years, his lobbying and consulting clients have included the government of Cambodia; Philip Morris, the cigarette maker now known as the Altria Group; Schweitzer Aircraft, a manufacturer of helicopters; and the Ashbury International Group, a producer of military sniper equipment, according to public records and interviews. If Mr. Hines secured such high-profile clients through cultivated political connections or careful courting, he apparently stumbled into working for Mr. Attah through a random meeting in a neighborhood drugstore. [snip]

    Mr. Attah says that he and Mr. Hines came to terms. The Nigerian official agreed in the late summer of 2005 to pay him $1.2 million for a year's work, a very large sum by lobbying standards, experts say. According to the contract and lobbying records, Mr. Hines's duties included meetings with government officials in Washington seeking aid for Akwa Ibom, finding companies and investors to come to the Nigerian state, and publicizing its economic opportunities. Ms. Buhari, who declined to be interviewed, did not receive a fee for any role she may have played in connecting Mr. Hines and Mr. Attah, according to the lobbyist's filings. But in September 2005, a week after Mr. Attah signed the Akwa Ibom contract, Mr. Hines sent a letter to State Department officials in Nigeria urging them to renew Ms. Buhari's American visa; the letter stated that his firm had hired her as a "consultant" and that her contract was "available on request" for inspection. Despite the large amount of money that Mr. Attah paid Mr. Hines, the politician said he never looked into the backgrounds of either the lobbyist or the associates who followed Mr. Hines to Nigeria. If he had, he might have found that some of those associates had interesting backgrounds. In fact, a few of them had already been in Africa the year before — to seek work from another client of Mr. Hines, the government of the nearby nation of Gambia.

    Michael Temchine for The New York Times
    Aisha Buhari has claimed that she is the daughter of the former military ruler of Nigeria, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari. [

2007 May 30: [A 2004 article in Preventive Medicine by Monique Muggli, Richard Hurt, and Lee Becker uncovered Philip Morris's work to derail the [EPA's] risk assessment on environmental tobacco smoke (ETS) by recruiting a network of journalists to generate news articles supporting the industry's position and pushing its public relations message regarding the ETS issue.

    Collamore was apparently involved in this effort: In March 1993, Thomas Collamore, Philip Morris vice president of corporate affairs policy and administration, reported to Steve Parrish, vice president and general counsel of Philip Morris, that "Richard [Hines] is responsible for a number of articles that have appeared in ... major news publications regarding EPA and ETS.". Hines worked with Philip Morris to develop "a network of receptive journalists, television commentators, and editorialists' thereby getting Philip Morris messages out to a Ōselected network of journalists".

    Hines asserted that by using this approach, "[W]e have been able to get favorable articles/commentaries in major publications ... and reach millions of the public through numerous syndicated columnists that are in our network".

    Another Philip Morris internal memo stated that Hines Ōworks with Tom Borelli [director of science and environmental policy at Philip Morris] to generate articles critical of EPA science including ETS' A 1993 monthly budget supplement sent to Collamore lists $12,000 for Richard Hines Consulting as well as $25,000 and $40,000, respectively, for groups headed by Thorne Auchter and Jim Tozzi to support sound science and the debate on the need for scientific standards on meta-analysis and epidemiology. In other words, the tobacco companies were paying other organizations to attack the science behind EPA's risk assessment on secondhand smoke.

2009 Oct 8: Letter about 'Tancredo Ventures Further Out on the Fringe"

Colorado Republican Tom Tancredo was the face of the anti-immigration movement in Congress for 10 years. While he was there, he could serve up his deport-'em-all rhetoric from the House floor.

    He attacks Sen. John McCain for his support of an insufficiently conservative U.S. Senate candidate in Colorado. And he takes a shot at Karl Rove, the longtime adviser to former president George W. Bush — the same Karl Rove who got so fed up with Tancredo's extremism that he told him to "never darken the door of the White House again."

    But even when he enjoyed relative respectability as a member of Congress, Tancredo didn't always confine himself to respectable venues. On Sept. 9, 2006, he delivered an anti-immigrant harangue as the honored guest at a barbecue advertised by the South Carolina chapter of the League of the South, the neo-Confederate outfit long listed as a hate group by the SPLC, as its own event. Although a Tancredo spokesman later said that the event was actually organized by a group called Americans Have Had Enough!, the league described Tancredo as "our guest" and listed a prominent league member as the event's information contact.

    The room for the event was rented by Richard T. Hines, who was identified in 1997 by the racist League of Conservative Citizens as a member.

2011 Feb: Palmetto Partisan magazine "No Slavery Did Not Cause the Civil War" by Richard T Hines. His byline says "Richard T. Hines is a native of Spartanburg, SC where he served in the SC House of Rep- resentatives before moving to northern Virginia. He is currently a consultant living near Richmond and serves as commander of the Jefferson Davis Camp #305 Sons of Confederate Veterans,Virginia Division." http://scscv.com/publications/Feb_2011-ppj.pdf

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